In Hamouchene’s “Green Colonialism and Environmental Orientalism”, the author critiques how green capitalism, under the banner of a “just transition,” is often an effort to rebrand profit, further entrenching the same structures of power that have historically harmed Africa. The green transition, in this view, becomes a new form of “green colonialism.”
Instead of genuinely addressing the historic inequalities and ecological harm caused by colonial exploitation, it appropriates the language of justice and sustainability to promote business as usual – now just dressed in environmentally friendly packaging.
Hamouchene powerfully asks: What happens when the promise of a “just transition” is co-opted by global elites seeking to profit from the climate crisis, repackaging exploitation in the form of “green” technologies and “sustainable development”? The answer, in the case of Africa, is a rebranding of old colonial logic. While green capitalism purports to address the climate crisis, it often sidelines the very people who have suffered the most under both the ecological destruction of extractive industries and the historical legacy of colonialism.
Africa Faces Old Foes in New Green Veneer
Hamouchene’s work sheds light on how Africa is confronted with old colonial foes disguised in new green clothing. The allure of the green economy, with promises of renewable energy, sustainable agriculture, and eco-friendly technologies, can be tempting. But as Elgasim Hamed, in his article “Extractivism Rebranded,” argues, this new face of “sustainability” risks perpetuating the same exploitative practices that have long dominated the African continent.
In Africa, this rebranding of profit is not just about environmental sustainability; it is about control. The control over Africa’s resources, labor, and futures. For example, large-scale mining projects in Africa, which extract essential minerals for green technologies, are often led by multinational corporations that fail to invest meaningfully in local communities or respect indigenous land rights. What happens when these projects “solve” the climate crisis for the global North but continue to impoverish local populations and destroy ecosystems?
The promise of jobs and development, as advanced by the local elites who often act as intermediaries, too often becomes a trap. As we’ve seen in countries like the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia, the extraction of resources continues to enrich foreign investors while leaving communities vulnerable to environmental degradation, human rights violations, and the loss of their land.
Local Elites and the Risk of Complicity
What role do local elites play in perpetuating green colonialism? In many African countries, the political class has historically acted as intermediaries, facilitating the interests of external powers at the expense of their own citizens. The transition to a “green economy,” if not carefully managed, risks simply adding another layer of exploitation to the existing system. How can we expect a just transition if those who hold power domestically are complicit in the exploitation of their own people?
The allure of green growth, which promises modernisation and development, may ultimately sideline the fundamental needs of Africa’s poor and marginalised populations. What happens when these promises of progress are realised, but only for a select few, leaving behind those who need it most? If local elites are more concerned with their own political survival and wealth accumulation than with the well-being of their people, the promises of green capitalism are doomed to remain just that – promises, not realities.
The Dangers of a “Green” Development Model
In Africa, the concept of “green capitalism” often masquerades as the solution to the continent’s developmental challenges. However, as Hamouchene and Hamed argue, the transition to a green economy is far from straightforward. While it might indeed bring about positive change for some, it could also derail the hopes and dreams of large swathes of Africa’s population, particularly those who are already vulnerable to the effects of climate change.
One glaring example is the construction of massive solar and wind projects across Africa, funded by international financial institutions and multinational corporations. These projects, often hailed as the future of clean energy in Africa, can be disruptive to local communities. They may result in the displacement of indigenous peoples, the destruction of local ecosystems, and a failure to ensure equitable access to energy for those who need it most.
What does it mean for Africa if the green transition is marked by the same exclusionary practices that defined the colonial era? In this context, the transformation from a fossil-fuel-based economy to a “green” one may not bring the benefits it promises, but rather deepen the inequalities already embedded in African societies.
Moreover, as Hamed points out, the rebranding of extractivism for green technologies must be seen in its full context. The global South, and particularly Africa, remains a key supplier of the raw materials necessary for the green transition. Yet, the value extracted from these resources often flows northward, leaving African nations with little to show for the destruction of their environments. In such a scenario, the question arises: Is Africa merely an extractive colony for the global green economy, just as it was for the global fossil fuel economy?
Rejecting Neocolonial Practices by enshrining a Decolonial JT
For JT, there must be dismantling of old foes. A decolonial Just Transition in Africa begins with rejecting the neocolonial practices embedded within the green economy. In this context, Africa must reclaim sovereignty over its own resources, rejecting the profit-driven exploitation that continues to define the relationship between the Global North and South. But what does it mean to truly liberate Africa from this cycle of exploitation?
It means allowing African nations to choose their own paths to sustainability without being coerced or manipulated by the interests of multinational corporations or foreign governments. It means prioritising the autonomy of African people, empowering them to determine how their resources are used and how their futures are shaped.
Decolonising JT also involves addressing the history of dispossession and ecological degradation that the continent has endured. By embracing indigenous knowledge systems, which have long sustained Africa’s relationship with the environment, African nations can lay the groundwork for a more equitable and sustainable future. These knowledge systems, often ignored in mainstream climate discourse, offer rich, sustainable alternatives to the dominant models of development and provide a framework for a more harmonious relationship with the land.
Indigenous practices rooted in stewardship, community, and reciprocity are invaluable in the search for a more just and sustainable energy transition. The question must be asked: Why should we prioritise Western models of development when indigenous knowledge has been protecting and sustaining African ecosystems for centuries?
A decolonial Just Transition would directly challenge the corporate appropriation of climate justice, pushing back against the capitalist forces that dominate the global climate agenda. By placing the leadership of the transition in the hands of workers, marginalised communities, and grassroots movements, a decolonial approach would shift the focus from corporate-driven solutions toward a more radical, revolutionary programme that tackles the root causes of inequality and environmental degradation.
Can we allow the very same corporations that perpetuate inequality to define the path toward sustainability? Or will we turn to the communities most impacted by climate change to lead the way? Again, we ask: How can we expect to achieve true climate justice without acknowledging the debt owed to the Global South? A decolonial Just Transition places reparations at the forefront of the climate agenda.
This includes financial transfers from wealthier nations to the Global South, enabling countries like those in Africa to develop sustainable economies, adapt to climate change, and recover from the damage wrought by centuries of exploitation. Such reparations are not charity; they are a form of restitution, a recognition that the Global North owes a debt to the Global South for its historical role in both colonial exploitation and climate destruction.
Building a Decolonised Just Transition for Africa’s Future
In conclusion, Africa’s path to a Just Transition must be rooted in the principles of decolonisation, rejecting green capitalism and embracing a vision of sustainability and justice that prioritises the needs of the people over the interests of multinational corporations. Africa must reassert its sovereignty, empower local communities, and centre indigenous knowledge systems in the transition to a sustainable future.
True progress for Africa cannot be achieved through the green capitalist solutions that have already proven to perpetuate inequality and environmental harm. Instead, Africa must look to models of development that emphasise community, sustainability, and equality. These are models that break free from the colonial legacies that have long defined the continent’s relationship with the rest of the world.
The time has come for Africa to reclaim the narrative of climate justice, ensuring that the voices of those most affected by climate change – indigenous peoples, workers, and marginalised communities are not just heard but centred in the climate conversation. This is the only path to a Just Transition that is truly just for all.
By Sadiq Austine Igomu Okoh, PhD